We’re all Coasians now

Of course there has been a lot written about Ronald Coase this week, marking his death at the age of 102. I thought Joshua Gans was very good, and this short paper by Herbert Hovenkamp usefully sets Coase in the context of the economic debates of the times. Justin Wolfers linked to this terrific (pdf) Deirdre McCloskey note on the Coase Theorem from 1998. There’s a lot of commentary, though, and it’s interesting to see how many different perspectives on his work there are – truly, there is a Coase for everyone.

As it happened, Tim Harford wrote last weekend (FT) about one of the intellectual heirs of the Coasian tradition of institutional economics, Elinor Ostrom, in an article contrasting her richness of thought with the catchy but shallower work of Garrett Hardin on the ‘tragedy of the commons’. Ostrom had researched how disputes over water rights in and around Los Angeles had been resolved by negotation, Harford writes:

“She knew of other examples, too, in which common resources had been managed sustainably without Hardin’s black-or-white solutions.

The problem with Hardin’s logic was the very first step: the assumption that communally owned land was a free-for-all. It wasn’t. The commons were owned by a community. They were managed by a community. These people were neighbours. They lived next door to each other. In many cases, they set their own rules and policed those rules.”

Ostrom’s co-winner of the Nobel Prize was Oliver Williamson, who took the Coasian tradition in a different direction, equally fascinating. He studied the structure and activity of businesses, taking forward Coase’s original research questions – why do firms exist? What explains why a large firm can succeed whereas a planned economy like the Soviet Union runs into trouble? I always think Williamson’s brilliant books [amazon_link id=”068486374X” target=”_blank” ]The Economic Institutions of Capitalism[/amazon_link] and [amazon_link id=”0195083563″ target=”_blank” ]The Nature of the Firm[/amazon_link] should be read alongside Herbert Simon’s [amazon_link id=”0684835827″ target=”_blank” ]Administrative Behaviour[/amazon_link]. Simon brings another perspective to understanding business organisations and the institutions of capitalism, introducing the wrinkles of actual human decision-making. As Simon famously observed, an alien landing in a capitalist economy would note that the domain of administered organisations including firms would far exceed the domain of market transactions.

[amazon_image id=”068486374X” link=”true” target=”_blank” size=”medium” ]The Economic Institutions of Capitalism[/amazon_image]

[amazon_image id=”0684835827″ link=”true” target=”_blank” size=”medium” ]Administrative Behavior: A Study of Decision-making Processes in Administrative Organizations: A Study of Decision-making Processes in Administrative Organisations[/amazon_image]

There is a terrific recent guide to using economic theory, including transaction cost and information economics, to the world of modern business in [amazon_link id=”1455525200″ target=”_blank” ]The Org: The Underlying Logic of the Office[/amazon_link] by Ray Fisman and Tim Sullivan – I reviewed it here.

[amazon_image id=”1455525200″ link=”true” target=”_blank” size=”medium” ]The Org: The Underlying Logic of the Office[/amazon_image]

Starfish economics

I’ve been reading Tyler Cowen’s new book, [amazon_link id=”0525953736″ target=”_blank” ]Average is Over[/amazon_link], and will post a review next week. As a taster, though, here is a comment from the short section on the state of economics:

“Economics is becoming less like Einstein or Euclid and more like studying the digestive system of a starfish.”

This intriguing description of the subject comes in the context of a chapter on how technology is changing science in general. For economics, the changes mean much more data and higher standards for empirical research, alongside a recognition of the complexity of the analysis or theory required. Field experiments, RCTs and laboratory experiments are where the action is in terms of scientific progress.

[amazon_image id=”0525953736″ link=”true” target=”_blank” size=”medium” ]Average Is Over: Powering America Beyond the Age of the Great Stagnation[/amazon_image]

I agree with the direction of this argument but am a bit more pessimistic about the extent to which these changes have a grip on the profession in general. A lot of economists are still not very interested in starfish guts.

Poetry, not economics

The sad news about the death of Seamus Heaney sent me to the stack of his books on my shelves. Like every schoolchild then and now, ‘Digging’ was one of the poems we studied; unlike many school requirements, it did not act as aversion therapy, but rather the opposite. So when, as a student at Oxford in 1981, I saw he was in town to do a reading, I went along. It was wonderful, and I bought – and got autographed – two of his books, the (1981) [amazon_link id=”0571116175″ target=”_blank” ]Selected Poems 1965-75[/amazon_link] and [amazon_link id=”0571230830″ target=”_blank” ]Death of a Naturalist[/amazon_link]. At £3.95 and £1.95 respectively, this took a large portion of my weekly budget then. It’s just over £19 in 2013 pounds.

[amazon_image id=”0571116175″ link=”true” target=”_blank” size=”medium” ]Selected Poems 1965 – 1975[/amazon_image]

Some months later, in between Oxford and flying to the US to start my PhD at Harvard, I had a long weekend in Dublin. In a pub before a play at the Abbey Theatre, I saw Heaney sitting by himself and plucked up my courage to say hello. He could not have been warmer or more welcoming, although he must have had strangers intruding into his time constantly.

New books on migration

My friend and colleague Martin Ruhs and I spent five years together on the Migration Advisory Committee. He sent this uplifting photo from the American Political Science Association meetings in Chicago:

My [amazon_link id=”0691145180″ target=”_blank” ]The Economics of Enough [/amazon_link]has been out for a good while, and I’m soon due to be proofreading my next one. But Martin’s book [amazon_link id=”0691132917″ target=”_blank” ]The Price of Rights: Regulating International Labor Migration[/amazon_link] is brand new. I think it will be a must for people interested in the migration issue. It looks at the restrictions high-income countries place on inward migration and the trade-offs between migrant workers’ labour rights and their access to labour markets.

[amazon_image id=”0691132917″ link=”true” target=”_blank” size=”medium” ]The Price of Rights: Regulating International Labor Migration[/amazon_image]

I’m going to read it alongside another new book in my in-pile, on an important historical episode in the history of international migration, when the scale of cross-border labour movements rivalled those in the current episode of globalization, Drew Keeling’s [amazon_link id=”3034011520″ target=”_blank” ]The Business of Transatlantic Migration between Europe and the United States, 1900-1914.[/amazon_link] Intriguingly, it promises to look at the role mass migration played in the development of the travel business.

[amazon_image id=”3034011520″ link=”true” target=”_blank” size=”medium” ]The Business of Transatlantic Migration between Europe and the United States, 1900-1914: Mass migration as a transnational business in long distance travel[/amazon_image]

There have been quite a few books on migration recently. One well worth reading is [amazon_link id=”069115631X” target=”_blank” ]Exceptional People: How Migration Shaped Our World and Will Define Our Future[/amazon_link] by Ian Goldin et al.

[amazon_image id=”069115631X” link=”true” target=”_blank” size=”medium” ]Exceptional People: How Migration Shaped Our World and Will Define Our Future[/amazon_image]

One I must also read is Paul Collier’s [amazon_link id=”0195398653″ target=”_blank” ]Exodus: How Migration is Changing Our World[/amazon_link] – Dalibor Rohac reviews it here, very favourably albeit with a slight caveat about wishing it had looked more at the evidence on the untapped economic gains from less restricted migration.

[amazon_image id=”0195398653″ link=”true” target=”_blank” size=”medium” ]Exodus: How Migration Is Changing Our World[/amazon_image]

I haven’t bothered with David Goodhart’s [amazon_link id=”1843548054″ target=”_blank” ]The British Dream[/amazon_link] – it’s evidently political polemic rather than social science. This is very nerdy of me, but the OECD’s annual [amazon_link id=”9264200150″ target=”_blank” ]International Migration Outlook[/amazon_link] is always worth looking at it for actual data and analysis.

Cities triumphant and not so triumphant

One of the highlights for me of the European Economic Association/Econometric Society meetings (#eeaesem2013) that have just finished in Gothenburg was Ed Glaeser’s Marshall Lecture. All kinds of fascinating ideas were slotted into the one-hour lecture, whose theme was the interaction between the three pillars of urban economies: human interactions, engineering (the roads, buildings, cables etc), and public policy. The talk moved from the developed world to the developing world context, starting with a survey of the various kinds of evidence that population density drives productivity in cities but asking what ‘engineering’ and especially what public policy and institutional framework is necessary to enable the higher productivity and growth.

The evidence on growth happening in cities is strong, albeit with some inevitable questions about causality. For example, there is an earning premium for population density in US cities, and there has been faster house price growth in more densely populated cities. Prof Glaeser pointed out that older cities had formed because of a production advantage such as a good harbour but it is consumption advantages that matter now, as well as (in the US but not other countries) a nice climate. The people factor, the retention and increase in human capital, accounts for the contrast between the revival of Boston and New York since the 1970s and the continuing decline of Detroit and Cleveland. As an example of the importance of productivity arising from  face-to-face contact, he cited the way Mayor Bloomberg took the walls out of City Hall, so it looked like a trading floor: “Knowledge is more important than space.”

The human capital factor is even more important in helping explain which developing world cities are growing faster, along with the existence of an entrepreneurial industrial structure. We always think about the slums, but, as Prof Glaeser pointed out, poor people move to cities – it is not the cities that make them poor. Indeed, real incomes, taking account of the costs and disamenities of urban life, broadly equalize across urban and rural areas; in the 1970s people used to get ‘danger money’ to live in New York to compensate for the crime and grime. The mega-cities in Asia and Latin America and Africa are reaching much larger populations at given income levels than was historically the norm because agricultural productivity is higher than in the past and transportation costs lower. So it is much cheaper to get food into a large population than would previously have been the case. Hence today’s new cities are larger and fewer than the smaller and more widely dispersed cities in Europe.

Many people regard the growth of huge developing country cities, with sprawling slums and extreme poverty as an undesirable phenomenon – but the fact that the countries’ growth must be driven by cities makes this question of whether they are a good thing or not a rather meaningless question. The meaningful question is how can they be best run? For this, city governments need money, technology and governance to tackle what Prof Glaeser called the “demons of density”. He argued that it is too hard to determine the ‘optimal’ size of a city because there are many trade-offs. The final part of the lecture was a high-speed exposition of some models of some of these trade-offs, focusing on some of the institutional and political problems such as how law enforcement needs to change with city size and density – the costs of disorder increasing with city size, but the challenge of bringing order increasing too. Providing clean water is another vital challenge. So too is creating the framework for efficient land use – and the combination of business district skyscrapers and huge low-rise slums indicates that most developing world cities fail on this set of policies.

Many of us in the audience found the models sped past too quickly, and I’ll look forward to reading about them. Much of the contextual background can be found in Prof Glaeser’s terrific book, [amazon_link id=”0330458078″ target=”_blank” ]Triumph of the City[/amazon_link]. The bottom line of the lecture is that it is important to understand better the policy challenges and trade-offs in city politics, because all the vital national economic institutions are shaped in cities – the middle classes form there, revolutions start there, and, as Professor Glaeser noted, “There’s no such thing as an arch-libertarian in a city.” Economists need to understand better the nexus of urban policy and institutions, what it is that shapes the human interactions, the source of productivity and growth (or not).

[amazon_image id=”0330458078″ link=”true” target=”_blank” size=”medium” ]Triumph of the City[/amazon_image]