Teaching economics

One of the reasons this week has been busy is that I spent yesterday at a fantastic INET-hosted workshop on undergraduate curriculum reform. Regular readers will know I’ve had an interest and involvement in this since organising a conference co-hosted by the Bank of England and Government Economic Service in 2012, which was summed up in [amazon_link id=”1907994041″ target=”_blank” ]What’s The Use of Economics[/amazon_link].

[amazon_image id=”1907994041″ link=”true” target=”_blank” size=”medium” ]What’s the Use of Economics?: Teaching the Dismal Science After the Crisis[/amazon_image]

The workshop had participants from the US, Chile, India and Turkey as well as the UK contingent. In some of the universities represented, curriculum reform is already under way. There is of course an interaction between the content of the curriculum, both in terms of topics covered (eg is economic history in or out?) and the approach to economics involved, and the pedagogy. I think we all got quite inspired by the possibility of improving the way young people are taught economics, although there will be a lot of work in developing materials and working out how to encourage different universities and academics (not to mention students), facing a range of incentives and pressures, to change.

It was interesting to see what textbooks people use and what they think about them. Greg Mankiw’s [amazon_link id=”184480870X” target=”_blank” ]Economics[/amazon_link] is a market leader in many countries, but none of the participants yesterday like it. Many use Hal Varian’s [amazon_link id=”0393935337″ target=”_blank” ]Intermediate Microeconomics[/amazon_link] and think it is a great book but many dislike the approach to economics is has embedded: start with individuals and firms and consider them at length, then after many chapters put them in a perfectly competitive market, and in the last small section consider departures from that ideal – and non-existent – situation.

Two books I didn’t know about that were recommended yesterday were Joel Watson’s [amazon_link id=”0393929345″ target=”_blank” ]Strategy: An Introduction to Game Theory[/amazon_link] and Jonathan Gruber’s [amazon_link id=”1429278455″ target=”_blank” ]Public Finance and Public Policy[/amazon_link].

[amazon_image id=”0393929345″ link=”true” target=”_blank” size=”medium” ]Strategy: An Introduction to Game Theory[/amazon_image]

Positive, normative and provocative economics

Last night it was my privilege to give the annual Pro Bono Economics lecture. I’d be delighted to hear people’s comments on it. (It would be even more pleasing if you’d look at the website and consider making a donation to their work.)

Many people in the audience have been enthusiastic, but one macroeconomist has taken great offence at my criticism of macro. I daresay I was too provocative – Dave Ramsden of the Treasury, chairing the evening, diplomatically described it as ‘challenging’ – but it does simply amaze me that so many (but not all) macroeconomists don’t think anything much needs to change in their area. Anyway, views welcome.

In the chat afterwards, somebody recommended to me [amazon_link id=”0521033888″ target=”_blank” ]Rational Economic Man[/amazon_link] by Martin Hollis and Edward Nell. The blurb says:

“Economics is probably the most subtle, precise and powerful of the social sciences and its theories have deep philosophical import. Yet the dominant alliance between economics and philosophy has long been cheerfully simple. This is the textbook alliance of neo-Classicism and Positivism, so crucial to the defence of orthodox economics against by now familiar objections. This is an unusual book and a deliberately controversial one. The authors cast doubt on assumptions which neo-Classicists often find too obvious to defend or, indeed, to mention. They set out to disturb an influential consensus and to champion an unpopular cause. Although they go deeper into both philosophy and economics than is usual in interdisciplinary works, they start from first principles and the text is provokingly clear. This will be a stimulating book for all economic theorists and philosophers interested in the philosophy of science and social science.”

[amazon_image id=”0521033888″ link=”true” target=”_blank” size=”medium” ]Rational Economic Man[/amazon_image]

I’d like it to have been a bit more specific about the authors’ doubts, but it sounds intriguing.

Richard Davies of The Economist (@RD_Economist on Twitter) has recommended [amazon_link id=”0631194355″ target=”_blank” ]Three Methods of Ethics[/amazon_link] by Marcia Baron et al.

[amazon_image id=”0631194355″ link=”true” target=”_blank” size=”medium” ]Three Methods of Ethics: A Debate (Great Debates in Philosophy)[/amazon_image]

I can see I’m going to have to improve my philosophy to continue in the vein of the Pro Bono lecture.

UPDATE: Paul Kelleher (@kelleher_) recommends [amazon_link id=”041588117X” target=”_blank” ]Philosophy of Economics[/amazon_link] by Julian Reiss

[amazon_image id=”041588117X” link=”true” target=”_blank” size=”medium” ]Philosophy of Economics: A Contemporary Introduction (Routledge Contemporary Introductions to Philosophy)[/amazon_image]

The Scarlet Letter for economists

An econometrics paper that can make you laugh? Yes, Ed Leamer, famously the author of a 1983 paper, Let’s Take the Con Out of Econometrics (pdf), has a superb 2010 article in the Journal of Economic Perspectives, Tantalus on the Road to Asymptopia – it’s free access,  only moderately technical, and brilliant.

Leamer’s theme is the same in the more recent paper as in the earlier one, the need for a profound culture change in empirical economics:

“Can we economists agree that it is extremely hard work to squeeze truths from our data sets and what we genuinely understand will remain uncomfortably limited? We need words in our methodological vocabulary to express the limits. We need sensitivity analyses to make those limits transparent. Those who think otherwise should be required to wear a scarlet-letter O around their necks, for “overconfidence.””

The point is that the available economic data will always support a range of different theories, and Leamer advocates sensitivity analyses that illustrate the spectrum of parameter values and theories consistent with observed data. Economists need to go back to 1921, he argues, and read Keynes’s [amazon_link id=”B0080K73L6″ target=”_blank” ]Treatise on Probability[/amazon_link] and Frank Knight’s [amazon_link id=”0486447758″ target=”_blank” ]Risk, Uncertainty and Profit[/amazon_link]. Both books point out that decisions are subject to three-valued logic (yes, no, don’t know) whereas economic theory assumes away the large territory of don’t know.

I strongly agree with Leamer’s conclusions:

“Ignorance is a formidable foe, and to have hope of even modest victories, we economists need to use every resource and every weapon we can muster, including thought experiments (theory), and the analysis of data from nonexperiments, accidental experiments, and designed experiments. We should be celebrating the small genuine victories of the economists who use their tools most effectively, and we should dial back our adoration of those who can carry the biggest and brightest and least-understood weapons. We would benefit from some serious humility, and from burning our “Mission Accomplished” banners. It’s never gonna happen.”

He, like me, is profoundly sceptical about macroeconomics: “Our understanding of causal effects in macroeconomics is virtually nil, and will remain so.”

I must go away and read Leamer’s 2009 book, [amazon_link id=”364207975X” target=”_blank” ]Macroeconomic Patterns and Stories[/amazon_link].

[amazon_image id=”364207975X” link=”true” target=”_blank” size=”medium” ]Macroeconomic Patterns and Stories[/amazon_image]

 

 

From dead-end to dynamism

I’ve been reading an interesting, and non-technical, overview of complexity theory as applied to economics, [amazon_link id=”1781951969″ target=”_blank” ]The Rediscovery of Classical Economics: Adaptation, Complexity and Growth[/amazon_link] by David Simpson. As the title indicates, the book looks through the complexity lens – the economy as an evolving, self-organising system –  at classical (as distinct from neoclassical) economics and at ‘Austrian’ business cycle theory. By classical he means not the specific body of thought of the 19th century, but rather the general perspective on the economy as dynamic and in disequilibrium.

[amazon_image id=”1781951969″ link=”true” target=”_blank” size=”medium” ]The Rediscovery of Classical Economics: Adaptation, Complexity and Growth (New Thinking in Political Economy Series)[/amazon_image]

The introduction states:

“Equilibrium theory has focused the attention of academic economists on issues surrounding the efficient allocation of a given set of resources among a number of competing uses at a single moment in time. While such questions have engaged the best brains of at least two generations in a number of intellectual conundrums, it has diverted them from an analysis of those features of a market economy that have impressed themselves on human history.”

Or in other words, the mainstream of economics, with its focus on the moment of equilibrium, along with the assumption of a common stock of knowledge and rational choice, has bypassed the most striking characteristics of actual economies – growth, uncertainty, and human unpredictability.

There are a few other books that serve as good introductions to complexity in economics, such as Paul Ormerod’s very accessible [amazon_link id=”0571197264″ target=”_blank” ]Butterfly Economics[/amazon_link] and Alan Kirman’s [amazon_link id=”0415594243″ target=”_blank” ]Complex Economics[/amazon_link]. The contribution of David Simpson’s book is to link the tools of complexity thinking to a particular tradition in economic thought that has always emphasised growth, uncertainty and the problem of knowledge. Even the thickest-skinned of mainstream economists is probably aware of Hayek’s work on knowledge, or rather the impossibility of knowing everything, and of [amazon_link id=”0415567890″ target=”_blank” ]Schumpeter’s ‘creative destruction'[/amazon_link]. One chapter quotes Paul Krugman saying: “Is the economy a self-organising system? Of course it is!” The problem is that most economists, even if they acknowledge the general point, haven’t been doing that kind of economics – Krugman’s macroeconomics is back-to-the-sixties Keynesian analysis, and happens in a different part of his brain from his 1996 book [amazon_link id=”1557866988″ target=”_blank” ]The Self-Organizing Economy[/amazon_link].

[amazon_image id=”1557866996″ link=”true” target=”_blank” size=”medium” ]The Self Organizing Economy[/amazon_image]

Simpson brings in Austrian economics to consider the business cycle and particularly the present recession. I’m not at all familiar with the Austrian approach, so can’t really evaluate how well it fits into the complexity/uncertainty framework; but the narrative here emphasises the role of technology as the initial trigger, credit expansion in the boom, and the financial causes of the crisis. Simpson writes: “The business cycle carries many of the characteristic signatures of a complex process.” The economy self-organises then self-disorganises.

He concludes: “The marginal revolution of the last quarter of the 19th century had focused attention on the theory of value at the expense of the theory of growth. …. The end result of assuming away so many important aspects of reality is that the theory is not operational. It is impossible to relate equilibrium theory to the empirical processes of an actual market economy. …. Equilibrium theory has reached a dead end.”

My sense is that mainstream economists were already waking up to the irrelevance of much of the post-war work in the subject even before the Crisis. The collapse of the communist regimes, the dramatic impact of technology and globalisation, the steady adoption of behavioural research were all contributing to a shift in the mainstream back towards reality. Events since 2008 have accelerated the move, for all that many economists remain in denial, to the point that curriculum reform is now well under way, as I’ve noted before.

David Simpson’s book is a clear and readable introduction to complexity in the specific context of the history of economic thought, and can thus fill a gap in far too many economists’ knowledge of their own subject. It’s unfortunately a pricey Edward Elgar book, so most readers will need to order it from their library.

 

Anti-decline

After this week’s trip to Liverpool, and being recommended the Tristram Hunt book [amazon_link id=”075381983X” target=”_blank” ]Building Jerusalem[/amazon_link], about Britain’s great Victorian cities, I turned back to Ed Glaeser’s excellent [amazon_link id=”0330458078″ target=”_blank” ]Triumph of the City[/amazon_link] to remind myself what he says about urban decline. The book is mainly about US cities, but he notes that Liverpool’s population has declined from 867,000 in 1937 to around half that figure. Like other industrial cities, the decline has been due to the changed structure of the economy beginning a vicious circle of unemployment, de-skilling, disinvestment and poverty.

[amazon_image id=”0330458078″ link=”true” target=”_blank” size=”medium” ]Triumph of the City[/amazon_image]

As for what to do, Glaeser concludes the chapter: “The path back for declining industrial towns is long and hard. Over decades, they must undo the cursed legacy of big factories and heavy industry. They must return to their roots as places of small-scale entrepreneurship and commerce. Apart from investing in education and maintaining core public services with moderate taxes and regulations, governments can do little to speed the process.”

I’m less fatalistic than this about the scope for local government to encourage revival. It ignores the important role of urban leadership in shaping expectations and bringing about the kinds of connections between people that can spark creativity or prompt some investment. This is the kind of ‘soft’ government activity often overlooked by economists, but it’s important; we shouldn’t forget the vital role of expectations in determining growth. We do have to be patient – but these cities are certainly not lost causes. Even Detroit, which has suffered perhaps the greatest decline of all, seems to be turning the corner.

Heritage Liverpool – ripe for revival?