Who benefits from e-books?

It’s holiday time and the world divides into those who download all their reading onto an electronic device and those who cart piles of books around in their suitcase. I’m one of the latter, although getting better about leaving paperbacks I’ve read behind in hotels and cottages. However, I have downloaded onto my iPad the articles from the latest issue of the Journal of Economic Perspectives (free to read & always excellent.)

Among this issue’s essays is a symposium on technology, the labour market and growth, which looks terrific. There’s also a very interesting article by Richard Gilbert on ebooks and publishing, which concludes the outlook is not great for traditional publishers:

“The e-book story shows how the traditional players in the book industry are struggling to achieve a new market equilibrium in a time where their industry is facing severe technological disruption and illustrates the hazards they face in attempting to manage the transition to that new equilibrium.”
My gloss would be that not all publishers are the same. As The Guardian noted recently, university presses are doing well – I agree with Sam Leith here that the big conglomerates are too ‘me too’ in their approach; and as a small publisher myself with LPP I’m optimistic for new entrants. On the whole, innovation in the book world has so far probably been good for readers as there is a proliferation of new titles and formats.

Funny Money

I’ve been enjoying what author Dave Birch of Consult Hyperion calls a blook – this year’s reader of his tomorrow’s transactions blog posts. Any regular reader of the blog, or indeed Dave’s book [amazon_link id=”1907994122″ target=”_blank” ]Identity is the New Money[/amazon_link], will know how astoundingly entertaining retail payments and electronic ticketing can be. His historical knowledge is extensive, as is his range of cultural references.

The blook also gathers in one place so many examples of the dimness of the financial services industry, explaining why there is so much fraud around. Why do chip and pin cards still get issued with magnetic stripes on the back – “trivially counterfeitable”? Why do we still need to sign the back? (Dave never signs with his real name – “I don’t want theives who steal my card to have a copy of my real signature to practice with.” It’s also from him that I learned never to sign up for free wifi with my real email address because that just results in more spam. They don’t know my name isn’t Doris Day.)

But above all, it’s very funny. I can’t see the 2015 reader on Amazon yet, [amazon_link id=”B00JVXFN4K” target=”_blank” ]only the 2014 one[/amazon_link], but no doubt it will be there soon. Or there’s always the tomorrow’s transactions blog.

[amazon_image id=”B00K86O66A” link=”true” target=”_blank” size=”medium” ]Identity is the New Money (Perspectives)[/amazon_image]  [amazon_image id=”B00JVXFN4K” link=”true” target=”_blank” size=”medium” ]Tomorrow’s Transactions – the 2014 Reader[/amazon_image]

Behavioural economics, 1892 version

Well I’ve read Paul Mason’s[amazon_link id=”1846147387″ target=”_blank” ] PostCapitalism[/amazon_link] and can’t write about it because I’ve agreed to do a review elsewhere, and I’ve read Dani Rodrik’s [amazon_link id=”0393246418″ target=”_blank” ]Economics Rules: The Rights and Wrongs of the Dismal Science[/amazon_link] and can’t write about that because it’s embargoed until the autumn.

[amazon_image id=”1846147387″ link=”true” target=”_blank” size=”medium” ]PostCapitalism: A Guide to Our Future[/amazon_image]  [amazon_image id=”0393246418″ link=”true” target=”_blank” size=”medium” ]Economics Rules: The Rights and Wrongs of the Dismal Science[/amazon_image]

So I’m going to offer instead another thought about [amazon_link id=”1932512136″ target=”_blank” ]Elements of The Economics of Industry[/amazon_link] by Alfred and Mary Marshall, which has been my bedtime reading for a few days. One of the striking features is that so many of what seem to be recent insights in economics are there in Marshall, in crystal clear English. For example:

“An increase of income nearly always causes pleasure; but the new enjoyments which it provides often lose quickly much of their charm. Partly this is the result of familiarity, which makes people cease to derive much pleasure from accustomed comforts and luxuries, though they suffer great pain from their loss.”

Doesn’t this sound just like modern behavioural economics?

[amazon_image id=”1932512136″ link=”true” target=”_blank” size=”medium” ]Elements of Economics of Industry[/amazon_image]

I noticed Brad DeLong coincidentally also writing about Marshall – his earlier Economics of Industry with Mary Marshall.

Marshall on wealth, collective & individual

From [amazon_link id=”B00882NQLM” target=”_blank” ]The Economics of Industry[/amazon_link]:

“We still have to take account of those of a man’s goods which are common to him and his neighbours… They consist of the benefits which he derives from being a member of a certain state or community. They include civil and military security, and the right and opportunity to make use of public property and institutions of all kinds such as roads & gaslight; and they include rights to justice and a free education &c. … Other things being equal, one person has more real wealth in the broadest sense than another if the place in which the former lives has better roads, better water and more wholesome drainage, and cheaper and better newspapers and places of amusement and instruction.

“Many of these things are collective goods i.e. goods which are not in private ownership. And this brings us to consider wealth from the social as well as the individual point of view.”

[amazon_image id=”129496819X” link=”true” target=”_blank” size=”medium” ]The Economics of Industry, by Alfred Marshall and Mary Paley Marshall – Scholar’s Choice Edition[/amazon_image]

As I dip into this book each evening, it becomes ever more apparent how much is in there.

Whose choice?

I’m improving my Public Policy Economics course ready for the next academic year at Manchester (hello, prospective ECON20431 students, if you’re reading this blog!) One of the areas that troubled me last year was how economics treats questions of social welfare in public policy analysis. I thought it was just me, as it had been many years since I thought about it. Having just finished Daniel Hausman’s [amazon_link id=”1107695120″ target=”_blank” ]Preference, Value, Choice and Welfare[/amazon_link], I’m reassured that it is just difficult territory.

[amazon_image id=”1107695120″ link=”true” target=”_blank” size=”medium” ]Preference, Value, Choice, and Welfare[/amazon_image]

The book has two big points. One is to argue that ‘preferences’ in economics is used, and ought to be used, to mean subjective comparative evaluations that include all relevant considerations – including moral imperatives, social norms, passions, whims. This obviously does not mean the same as everyday usage of ‘preference’; in everyday language we consider moral duties can conflict with preferences, for example. It also means self-interest can’t be built in to preferences. “Preferences are the outcome of demanding and poorly understood processes of comparative evaluation.” People might often take short cuts (as per [amazon_link id=”0141015918″ target=”_blank” ]Gerd Gigerenzer[/amazon_link]) or be vulnerable to certain biases (per [amazon_link id=”B00SSKM714″ target=”_blank” ]R Thaler[/amazon_link] et al).

Preferences are then combined with beliefs to determine choices. Hausman argues that economists often ignore the role of beliefs or judgements about the choice environment because they tend to assume people’s beliefs are correct.

His second big point is that economists should not and cannot then say that what determines preferences is a matter only for psychologists or other social scientists; economics itself has to engage with the question of preference-formation.

I agree with Hausman so far. I am less clear about the part of the book that is about preferences and welfare. He argues that the satisfaction of people’s preferences is evidence that their welfare is being improved, but that welfare cannot be defined as the satisfaction of preferences, as economists assume. I don’t understand the second part of this: he says it is because preferences are not defined by self-interest, but I don’t follow why welfare has to be defined by self-interest rather than being defined by preferences (including moral imperatives, emotions etc). Hausman then goes on to assume policies should aim to improve social welfare, which is fine if you agree with the definition of welfare. But he asks why policy should be sensitive to people’s preferences beyond the promotion of their welfare, and goes on to discusss the behavioural economics findings that people might often not be good judges of their own interest. He challenges methods such as contingent valuation, because they reflect people’s sense of moral obligation, for example. That doesn’t seem to me to be a problem at all.

I think my difficulty with this is that as soon as you posit an ‘objective’ concept of welfare as what is in people’s best interests, and allow this to diverge from their preferences – especially in this wide sense which can include concern for others or for absolute moral imperatives – you are in the territory of social scientists determining what is best. Indeed, Hausman agrees that if people do include the seeking of their own benefit and are good judges of circumstances, preference satisfaction is a good indicator of welfare; and even if not, it might be better than a third party deciding.

Anyway, an interesting book (& there’s much more than I’ve summarized here including a discussion of [amazon_link id=”0444851275″ target=”_blank” ]Sen[/amazon_link]’s approach), even if it hasn’t saved me from having to continue puzzling over this territory.